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EVERYONE KNOWS
that the conflict in Northern Ireland isnt about religion
or so the story goes. In the vast body of literature that
has been produced on the Northern Ireland conflict, something of
a cosy consensus has emerged: religion is what the academics call
an ethnic marker. It provides a name for the opposing
communities but has little social or political significance in and
of itself.
Claire Mitchells
Religion, Identity and Politics in Northern Ireland: Boundaries
of Belonging and Belief, is a timely challenge to that dominant
orthodoxy. Mitchells carefully researched account presents
a succinct analysis of how religion matters in Northern Ireland.
In the preface
Mitchell, a sociology lecturer at Queens University, confesses
that Researching religion and politics in Northern Ireland
is an odd experience. It is at once the least appropriate topic
of discussion at any social gathering and one of the most deeply
rooted social issues. I try to always keep the topic of my research
quiet at parties and in taxis. Now religiously agnostic, Mitchell
grew up in Northern Irelands evangelical subculture. Her book
combines the sociologists facility of analysis with sensitivity
to the depth of belief amongst the faithful.
The core of
Mitchells argument is that religion derives social and political
significance from five overlapping dimensions. She devotes a chapter
to each of the dimensions, which she argues reinforce each other.
The first and second dimensions have been emphasised in previous
research: the relationship between the churches and socio-political
power (for instance, their relationships with nationalist and unionist
politicians); and the role of religion as the dominant ethnic marker,
maintained through segregated education, marriage, housing patterns
and social networks. Mitchell argues that these dimensions are important
for some people at various points in time, but she makes her most
original contribution when she turns to the next three dimensions
of religion. These dimensions explain how religion gives not just
a label, but real meaning, to the boundaries between Catholic and
Protestant.
The next dimension
Mitchell identifies is religions role in the construction
of communities. She focuses on how religious rituals bring people
together physically, psychologically, and socially. Arguing that
this dimension is more important for Catholics, she explains how
the Catholic Church organises social life and helps Catholics to
imagine themselves as part of a community one that does not
include Protestants. This is an important insight, for there has
been something of an academic and popular consensus that if religion
matters in Northern Ireland, it matters for a few evangelical Protestants
but not for Catholics.
The fourth
dimension focuses on how religious ideologies contribute
to the construction of boundaries between Catholics and Protestants.
Religious ideologies, sets of doctrinally-informed concepts influencing
the way people think and act, are significant even for people who
dont practice their religion. This dimension is more important
for Protestants, providing concepts that allow them to define themselves
in opposition to Catholics: liberty, the honest Ulsterman,
and anti-Catholicism. This is in line with earlier research which
stressed the importance of religious ideas for Protestants.
The fifth dimension
is the relationship between theology and politics. For Mitchell,
theology is distinct from ideology in that it is defined by doctrines;
and it is important only for people who actively practice their
religion. She argues that this dimension is confined largely to
evangelical Protestants, citing familiar evangelical concepts such
as anti-Catholicism, the chosen people, and the end times.
Mitchell also devotes a modest section of the chapter to Protestant
theology and reconciliation, in which she highlights the work
of Evangelical Contribution on Northern Ireland, Corrymeela, and
the Fitzroy Presbyterian-Clonard Monastery fellowship.
When these
five dimensions of religion are considered in tandem, a more complex
picture of religion in Northern Ireland emerges. Understanding this
opens up avenues for religion to contribute to dismantling the oppositional
ideas, practices, and identities that have perpetuated the conflict.
However, Mitchell does not pursue this in great detail. For example,
she does not cite the most comprehensive book-length attempt to
explain how religion might contribute to conflict transformation,
Joseph Liechty and Cecelia Cleggs Moving Beyond Sectarianism
(Dublin: Columba Press, 2001).
Finally, Mitchell
discusses the relationship between religious and political change.
She asks those elusive questions: do religious ideas and practices
cause peoples political attitudes? Or, do peoples political
ideas and practices cause their religious attitudes? Mitchell recognises
that these are questions with no definitive answers, concluding
that political changes can make room for religious changes,
as well as vice versa (144). However, in the next sentence
and the final one of the book, she writes: Whether this will
lead to an increase or decrease in oppositional religious identities
in Northern Ireland depends on the nature of political change.
This sentence
casts religious actors in a more reactionary or passive light than
they have been portrayed throughout the book. In doing so it may
serve as a challenge to believers of all persuasions to become agents
of religious and political change, contributing to the construction
of inclusive identities and relationships.
RELIGION,
IDENTITY AND POLITICS IN NORTHERN IRELAND:
Boundaries of Belonging and Belief
Claire Mitchell
Published by
Ashgate: Aldershot
2006
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